Lens L4 — Patriotism & Militarism

Axis scored: A5 (militarism; 1 = absent, 5 = pervasive), with contributions to A4 (national narrative closure). Corpus: extracted-text/{pctb-punjab,stbb-sindh,kptbb-kp}/class-{6..10}/ Rubric: the rubric. Prior tracks built on: track english, track pakistan studies, track urdu, track islamiyat.

Evidence rules applied. Verbatim quotation only from English-medium files. All Urdu findings are theme-grade: proper nouns, award names, dates and numerals survive tesseract-urd OCR of Nastaliq; wording does not. Nothing from an Urdu file is quoted. Citations are file · PAGE n, where n is the ===== PAGE N ===== marker (PDF page index, not printed folio).

0. The distinction that matters

Raw patriotism volume is roughly equal across the three boards (all three English readers run 14–16% “national” selections — track english §2). What separates them is type. Four types are used throughout:

The finding of this lens is that Punjab teaches martial patriotism, KP teaches martial-plus-ummah patriotism concentrated in one subject, and Sindh teaches civic-and-heritage patriotism — and that these differences survive vintage control only partially (§4).

1. Scored table — every book, A5

Confidence: high = English text, direct evidence · medium = English OCR, or Urdu OCR where proper nouns/awards are directly legible · low = Urdu OCR structure only, or absence-based.

1.1 PCTB Punjab

Punjab A5 mean (all 26 books scored): 2.58. Humanities core (English, Urdu, History, Islamiyat, Pakistan Studies; n=17): 3.41.

1.2 STBB Sindh

Sindh A5 mean (all 22 books; PS 9–10 and Urdu 9–10 each counted once as one book): 1.59. Humanities core (n=16): 1.81.

1.3 KPTBB KP

KP A5 mean (all 26 books): 1.85. Humanities core (n=17): 2.29.

Islamiyat 6 and 7 are established as the same book in KP and Sindh (track islamiyat §6.1). Per RUBRIC §5 the shared score (2) is reported once and no board difference is claimed for those two grades.

2. Per-board assessment

2.1 Punjab (PCTB) — martial patriotism, taught everywhere, from age 11

Punjab’s national devotion is delivered as admiration for soldiers who died. The Nishan-e-Haider is not a passing reference; it is a curricular spine. It appears in seven Punjab books across four subjects: English 6, 7 and 9; Urdu 6, 7 and 8; Pakistan Studies 9; and — as a homework exercise — Islamiyat 9. The same eleven-name roll of honour is taught twice, in the Urdu reader at class 6 (urdu-6-ur · PAGE 58) and in the English reader at class 9 (english-9-en · line 370).

Three features push Punjab’s English 6, English 7, Urdu 6, History 8 and Pakistan Studies 9 to A5 = 5 rather than 3:

1. Martyrdom is taught as aspiration, not as history. The class-6 English dialogue drill has a child say “I want to be a soldier when I grow up… Pakistan Army is the best army in the world” and an army officer reply “It’s really nice to see your great passion for our army” (english-6-en · PAGE 44). The class-6 Urdu exercise asks pupils to research a martyr and write him up. The class-7 English writing task is “Write about the heroic deeds of an awardee of Nishan-e-Haider” (english-7-en · line 1947).
2. Martial content occupies non-history subjects. Rashid Minhas Shaheed is the model essay for teaching essay structure (English 6, · PAGE 120). The martyrs are the substrate for cause-and-effect, fact-vs-opinion and generalisation exercises (English 9, · lines 495–535). This is the rubric’s explicit A5 = 5 indicator.
3. Jihad is applied to conventional inter-state war. History 8 tells class-13-year-olds that the 1965 army was “filled with the spirit of Jihad” (history-8-en · line 2789); Pakistan Studies 10 says Kashmiris “raised the banner of jihad” (· line 2313).

Punjab’s civic patriotism is real but thin and late: the class-8 English poem Give to Your Country, and the opening two paragraphs of the class-9 Patriotism unit — which are then overwhelmed by the martyr roll in paragraph 4.

A4 contribution (Punjab): 5. Pakistan Studies 9 externalises 1971 blame entirely (Hindu teachers and traders, India, Mukti Bahini; “Pakistan’s Armed Forces had to intervene to crush the revolt”, · line 2522) and never names the surrender. History 8 gives 1971 seven lines in which “The Pakistani army fought bravely” and the UN “interfered to stop the war” (· line 2841). Pakistan Studies 10 supplies the providential closure: “with the grace of Allah Almighty and the determination of the Pakistani nation and armed forces, this country has always been always safe protected” (· line 1994).

2.2 Sindh (STBB) — civic and heritage patriotism; the army as an institution under civilian control

Sindh is the low-militarism board on every measure, and the gap is not marginal. There is no military martyr anywhere in Sindh’s corpus — not in English 6–9, not in Urdu 6–9/10, not in Social Studies 6–8, not in Islamiyat 6–9/10, not in Pakistan Studies. The only Nishan-e-Haider string in the entire Sindh corpus is a wrong answer in a multiple-choice question about Bilquis Edhi (english-9-en · PAGE 145) — the known lead describing “one Sindh mention” should be corrected: it is not a mention of the award as content at all.

Where other boards put a soldier, Sindh puts someone else:

• Role model at class 8 English → Edhi (humanitarian).
• Role model at class 9 English → Shah Abdul Latif (Sindhi Sufi poet).
• The one shaheed in the class-8 Urdu reader → Hakim Muhammad Said, a civilian physician assassinated in 1998 (urdu-8-ur · PAGE 28).
• The Islamiyat lesson on “self-sacrifice for the country and the nation” → I’sar, with 1965 itemised alongside the Badin floods, the 2005 earthquake and the 2010 floods (islamiyat-6-en · PAGE 65).

Sindh is also the only board that teaches civilian control of the military as a fact about Pakistan (social-studies-6-en · PAGE 71) — a finding that belongs jointly to L4 and L2. Its class-6 Social Studies treats the armed forces as a bureaucracy with a job description, cooks and drivers included.

Sindh’s remaining martial register is historical and nineteenth-century: Syed Ahmad Shaheed’s Tahreek-e-Mujahideen, taught at length in Pakistan Studies as a jihad movement (pakistan-studies-10-en · lines 604–669). This is ideological patriotism about the pre-Partition past, not devotion to the present army.

A4 contribution (Sindh): 3. Sindh alone prints the word: “Pakistani soldiers surrendered before the Indian army on December 16, 1971” (track pakistan studies §4.2a, · p.46), and leads its 1971 causes with internal governance failure. But its history stops in 1974, so it never has to account for anything after.

2.3 KP (KPTBB) — martial and ummah patriotism, concentrated in one subject

KP’s profile is the most channelled. Its English readers, across four years and roughly 75 selections, contain zero national-martial content: no martyr, no Nishan-e-Haider, no war narrative, no Defence Day. Its Pakistan Studies 9 gives the least glorified 1965 account in the corpus and concedes Pakistani initiative in crossing the ceasefire (pakistan-studies-9-en · PAGE 88). Its geography and science books are empty of it.

Everything is in the Urdu reader, and it is dense: Defence Day and the 1965 air war at class 6; two consecutive martyrdom lessons at class 7 — Ghazi Ilm-ud-Din (a 1929 religious-honour killing, executed and venerated as a martyr) and Colonel Sher Khan of Kargil; a Kargil Nishan-e-Haider narrative at class 8. KP is also the only board with an explicit ummah-politics lesson — the 1969 Al-Aqsa arson paired with the 1974 Lahore Islamic Summit (Urdu 6, pp.77–81).

The Ilm-ud-Din inclusion is the single most distinctive item: it is the only case in the corpus of a non-military, non-state figure taught as ghazi/shaheed, and it sits two lessons before a serving officer’s Kargil martyrdom, which places religious-honour martyrdom and state-military martyrdom in the same lesson sequence.

KP’s second track is regional-geographic patriotism: Swat, Khyber Pass, Qissa Khwani, the KP province survey lesson, Abbottabad, Peshawar handicrafts. This is the register the English reader uses instead of martial material.

A4 contribution (KP): 3. KP 9 indicts Pakistan’s own military rule for 1971 (“Many innocent citizens along with the Armed persons were killed in the military action. As a result people of East Pakistan became enemies of the Army”, track pakistan studies §4.2a) and KP 10 criticises Zia’s over-extended military rule — while still endorsing Islamisation and the Afghan Jihad.

2.4 Balochistan (BTBB) — war narrated as history, martyrdom not taught as aspiration

Vintage: classes 6–9 are National Curriculum 2022-23 pilot editions (matched to Punjab’s SNC 2022); class 10 is National Curriculum 2006 (matched to KP and Sindh). The “NCC Inclusive Scheme 2024” recorded in the catalogue appears in none of the books — see lens religion §2.4.

A5: 1 = armed forces absent or purely institutional, 5 = martyrdom taught as aspiration.

Balochistan A5 mean, English-medium: 1.78 (n = 9) — the lowest of the four boards by a clear margin, and the finding survives the vintage confound in one direction: Balochistan’s books are the newest, so this cannot be dismissed as legacy material that predates militarisation.

The substantive result is an absence, and it is stated as an absence with the appropriate caution. Across 15 English-medium Balochistan books this study found no Nishan-e-Haider roll of honour, no martyr biography, and no instance of martyrdom presented as an aspiration for the pupil. All three are present in other boards’ books. Because these are proper nouns and fixed formulae that survive degraded OCR, the absence claim is stronger here than most absence claims in this study — but it remains an absence claim, and it is confined to the English-medium set.

Counter-evidence. The Urdu-medium volumes were not readable at the sentence level and are not covered by the statement above. Balochistan’s History 8 also carries the corpus’s densest martial vocabulary; a reader who counted tokens rather than reading them would reach the opposite conclusion. That is precisely why raw density is not a score.

2.5 Class 10 completion — the matriculation year

Matriculation is not where militarism concentrates. Across the class-10 tier the armed forces are almost entirely confined to Pakistan Studies, and there they are narrated historically. The martial content this study records elsewhere — Nishan-e-Haider rolls, martyr biographies, martial selections inside language readers — sits in the middle school years, not the terminal one.

That matters for the study’s forward-looking argument. If martial framing were concentrated at matriculation it would reach every pupil who completes school. Instead it is concentrated where attrition is highest and where pupils are youngest.

2.6 Corpus expansion — a federal board with almost no martial content

Added 23 Aug 2026.

FBISE A5 mean, English-medium: 1.20 (n = 10) — the lowest of the five boards, below Sindh’s 1.38.

The result is worth stating carefully because it cuts against an easy assumption. The federal board — the one closest to the centre, serving Islamabad and the cantonment schools — carries less martial content than any province, including in the subject where martial content lives. Its Pakistan Studies 10 returns 0.1 martial tokens per thousand words; Punjab’s equivalent returns 0.5, and Punjab’s own English reader at class 9 carries a full Nishan-e-Haider roll.

No Nishan-e-Haider roll, no martyr biography, and no martyrdom-as-aspiration was found in any federal volume. As with the equivalent Balochistan finding, this is an absence claim confined to the English-medium set — the board’s Urdu volumes were read at theme grade only, and a martial selection inside the Urdu reader would not be legible to this method.

3. A5 board summary

Books at A5 = 5: five, all Punjab (English 6, English 7, Urdu 6, History 8, Pakistan Studies 9). Books at A5 = 4: Punjab English 9, Punjab Urdu 8, Punjab Pakistan Studies 10; KP Urdu 6, 7, 8. No Sindh book scores above 3.

4. Vintage-controlled comparison

Curriculum generations in this corpus (RUBRIC §Vintage control, extended by the tracks):

Three comparisons are properly vintage-matched:

1. NC-2006 Urdu readers, KP vs Sindh (classes 6–8). KP 4 / 4 / 4 versus Sindh 2 / 2 / 2. Same curriculum generation, same subject, same medium, same OCR grade. This difference is provincial, not generational — the strongest vintage-controlled militarism finding in the corpus. Confidence: medium (both sides Urdu OCR; award names and proper nouns are legible on both sides, and their absence on the Sindh side is corroborated by the presence there of a different kind of shaheed — Hakim Said).

2. NC-2006 class-9 Urdu, Punjab vs KP — the same anthology. track urdu §5.1 establishes these are effectively one book. Punjab scores 3 and KP 2 solely because Punjab appends a twelfth prose lesson (APS Peshawar / terrorism, pp.100–106) that KP’s copy does not carry. With that lesson removed the two are identical. This is a clean demonstration that Punjab’s editorial hand adds patriotic-defensive material even to an inherited federal anthology.

3. NC-2006 Islamiyat 6–7, KP and Sindh. Established as the same book; scored once at 2. No board claim is made.

Two comparisons are confounded and are flagged as such:

• English readers. Punjab 6–8 are SNC-2022 and Punjab 9 is NCP-2023; Sindh’s are SPELT-authored with no printed curriculum year; KP’s are NC-2006. Punjab’s martial English content is therefore partly an artefact of recent commissioning to SNC theme quotas — the SNC theme labels “Role Models” and “Patriotism / National Pride” are printed against exactly the units that carry the martyrs (track english §1.1). However, the confound cuts only one way: KP’s NC-2006 English readers have zero martial content, so a “newer curriculum ⇒ more militarism” reading is available, while the reverse is not. Confounded, direction plausible.
• Pakistan Studies. Punjab 9–10 (2023–24) vs KP 9 (2024–25 printing of a 2006 scheme) vs Sindh (2004). Punjab 5/4, KP 2/3, Sindh 3. The Punjab–KP class-9 pair is close in printing year but a full curriculum generation apart in design; the Sindh book is two decades older. Confounded. Note nonetheless that the oldest book here (Sindh 2004) and the newest by printing (KP 2024–25) are both markedly less militarised than Punjab’s 2023 volume, which is hard to explain by age alone.

Net vintage judgement. Punjab’s lead on A5 is only partly a curriculum-generation effect. The two clean vintage-matched comparisons (§4.1, §4.2) both show Punjab and KP carrying more martial content than Sindh within the same generation, and Punjab adding martial-adjacent material to a shared inherited text. The rank order Punjab > KP > Sindh survives vintage control; the size of Punjab’s lead does not.

5. Vertical progression, class 6 → 10

Answer: martial content does not intensify with age in any board. All three front-load or mid-load it.

• Punjab’s most militarised single year is class 6, which carries two books at A5 = 5 (English and Urdu) and delivers military martyrdom to eleven-year-olds in both media at once. Class 9 is the ideologically densest year but the class-9 English unit is more civic-framed than the class-6 and class-7 units it succeeds.
• KP’s fall at class 9 is a structural artefact: the class-9 Urdu volume is the inherited literary anthology (Shibli, Hali, Ghalib, Mir), which has no patriotic slot. KP’s martial content lives in classes 6–8 and stops.
• Sindh’s only rise is doctrinal, not martial: the class 9–10 Islamiyat jihad lesson and the class 9–10 Pakistan Studies Tahreek-e-Mujahideen chapter.

5.1 First appearance of jihad and of martyrdom, per board

The order of teaching is the finding. Punjab teaches a child to admire a martyr at eleven (class 6), calls a conventional war “Jihad” at thirteen (class 8), and only at fourteen (class 9) gives him the doctrinal apparatus that restricts jihad to the state and distinguishes it from terrorism. Sindh reverses this: it never teaches military martyrdom, and when jihad arrives at class 9–10 it arrives as the restrictive doctrine.

6. Cross-subject delivery — which board reinforces martial themes across the most subjects

Punjab, decisively. Counting subjects in which at least one book scores A5 ≥ 4:

Three cross-subject traces are worth stating explicitly.

Trace 1 — Punjab class 6, the same content in two languages simultaneously. An eleven-year-old in a Punjab school meets the Nishan-e-Haider in the English reader (Major Shabbir Sharif, unit 4; Rashid Minhas as the model essay) and in the Urdu reader (the eleven-name roll at p.58, plus a research exercise on army martyrs at p.64). Neither KP nor Sindh does this in either language at this grade.

Trace 2 — Punjab’s four-year martial arc across three subjects. Class 6 English/Urdu (martyr biographies) → class 7 English (Martyrs of Pakistan, Defence Day) → class 8 History (“spirit of Jihad”, six named operations) → class 9 English (Patriotism, full NeH roll) + Pakistan Studies 9 (1965 set-piece, “highest position of martyrdom”) → class 10 Pakistan Studies (Kashmir jihad, Yaum-e-Takbir essay competition). There is no year in which a Punjab pupil is not being taught martial patriotism in at least one subject.

Trace 3 — KP’s single channel. KP delivers the same kind of content as Punjab (Nishan-e-Haider, Kargil, 1965) but through one subject only, the Urdu reader, and it stops after class 8. A KP pupil in the English-medium stream of the same board — reading the same board’s English 6–9 — encounters none of it. This is the sharpest structural difference between the two high-scoring boards: Punjab’s militarism is redundant across media; KP’s is single-channel and language-gated.

Sindh’s counter-trace. Sindh delivers the institutional army in one place — Social Studies 6 — and delivers it with civilian supremacy attached (social-studies-6-en · PAGE 71). Everywhere else the national-devotion slot is filled with heritage (Indus civilisation, My Blessed Beautiful Land), civilians (Edhi, Hakim Said, Shah Abdul Latif), or disaster solidarity (Islamiyat 6).

7. The jihad-doctrine-vs-martial-content tension

The tension holds, and it is Punjab-specific.

Both Punjab and Sindh teach a restrained, counter-extremist jihad doctrine. Sindh’s is the more elaborated: self-struggle ranked first as Jihad-e-Akbar, the “word of justice before a tyrant ruler” as the best jihad, state monopoly on the declaration of war with individual and group fatwas declared void and reclassified as “mischief on earth”, civilian immunity in war, and an explicit decoupling — “Word Jihad is not a synonym of war” (stbbislamiyat-9-10-en · PAGE 86–92). Punjab’s is the more pointed: its class-9 SLOs require pupils to distinguish jihad fi sabilillah from fasad fil-ard — glossed as terrorism — “in the light of Paigham-e-Pakistan”, the 2018 state counter-extremism declaration (pctbislamiyat-9-ur · PAGE 113, theme-grade).

Sindh is internally consistent. Its restrained doctrine is not contradicted anywhere in its corpus, because its corpus contains no glorified martial content to contradict it. Doctrine and delivery agree.

Punjab is not. Four contradictions, in ascending order of sharpness:

1. Chronological inversion. History 8 applies “the spirit of Jihad” to the conventional 1965 inter-state war (history-8-en · line 2789) — one full year before Islamiyat 9 teaches the pupil that jihad is not a synonym for war and belongs to the state alone. The looser usage is taught first and is never retracted.
2. Same-year contradiction across subjects. In class 9, Islamiyat teaches jihad as state-monopolised and distinguished from terrorism, while Pakistan Studies 9 in the same year closes its 1965 chapter with “We should salute the brave soldiers who did not care about their lives and embraced the highest position of martyrdom” (pakistan-studies-9-en · PAGE 51), and English 9 devotes an entire unit’s comprehension apparatus to the Nishan-e-Haider roll.
3. Cross-medium contradiction. The restrained doctrine is delivered only in Urdu-medium Islamiyat. The martyrdom material is delivered in both English and Urdu. A pupil’s exposure to the restraining frame is narrower than his exposure to the frame being restrained.
4. Contradiction inside one lesson. The Punjab class-9 Islamiyat jihad lesson’s own end-of-unit activity directs pupils to write into their diaries the names and achievements of the shuhada awarded the Nishan-e-Haider (islamiyat-9-ur · PAGE 115). The lesson that de-couples jihad from war closes by setting a homework task that couples martyrdom to a military gallantry decoration. This is the tightest instance of the tension in the corpus and it is confined to a single page.

KP: not assessable. KP has no jihad lesson at classes 6, 7 or 8, and its class-9/10 Islamiyat scan is roughly half-missing (track islamiyat §7). Its class-9 volume is built on Surah Al-Anfal — the spoils-of-war surah — which makes the question live, not moot. KP simultaneously carries the corpus’s second-heaviest martyrdom load (Urdu 6–8) and endorses the Afghan Jihad in Pakistan Studies 10. Whether KP’s doctrine restrains its delivery is an open gap, not a finding. Closing it requires a complete KP Islamiyat IX–X PDF.

Interpretation. A board can teach restrained jihad doctrine in Islamiyat while glorifying martyrdom elsewhere — and Punjab does. The doctrinal lesson is a compliance artefact (Paigham-e-Pakistan is a 2018 state policy document, and its citation is an SLO-level requirement), while the martial content is curricular design distributed across five subjects and five grades. Where they conflict, weight of exposure favours the martial frame by a wide margin.

8. Caveats

1. Urdu evidence is theme-grade and load-bearing here. KP’s entire A5 profile above 2 rests on Urdu OCR, as does half of Punjab’s. What survives Nastaliq OCR is exactly what this lens needs — proper names (Sher Khan, Ilm-ud-Din, Shabbir Sharif), award names (نشان حیدر), and Latin/Arabic numerals (1965, 1971) — but not tone, framing, or whether a martyr is admired or merely recorded. Every Urdu A5 score in this document should be read as ±1. No Urdu wording is quoted anywhere above.
2. KP Urdu 8 is the worst-OCR file in the corpus (track urdu §7.2: more than half its pages are unusable). Its A5 = 4 rests on two legible pages. Treat as low confidence.
3. KP Islamiyat 9–10 is roughly half-missing. Its A5 = 3 is provisional and its jihad framing is not established either way. Do not cite it as evidence of KP restraint or of KP escalation.
4. Absence claims. “No Nishan-e-Haider in any KP English book” and “no military martyr in the Sindh corpus” are strong claims resting on English-medium full-text search — reliable. “No jihad lesson in KP Islamiyat 6–8” rests on Urdu OCR of unit headings and is weaker; per RUBRIC §4 it is recorded as not established, not absent.
5. The known lead about Sindh should be corrected. The single Nishan-e-Haider string in Sindh is a distractor option in an MCQ about Bilquis Edhi’s civilian award (english-9-en · PAGE 145), not a mention of the decoration as content. Sindh’s true count of substantive Nishan-e-Haider content is zero.
6. The known lead about Punjab English understates it. The lead cited English 6 (×2) and English 7. In fact all four Punjab English books carry patriotic units and three of four carry military martyrdom — English 9’s Patriotism unit teaches the complete eleven-name roll. English 8 is the only clean one.
7. Two findings not in any prior track. (a) Punjab’s Urdu readers carry martyrdom at classes 6, 7 and 8, including the same eleven-name Nishan-e-Haider roll as English 9 — Punjab therefore teaches martial martyrdom in both media, not only in English. (b) The Nishan-e-Haider appears inside Punjab’s Islamiyat 9 jihad lesson as a homework activity (§7.4). Both rest on Urdu OCR where the award name and the shuhada string are directly legible; both should be re-checked against the source PDFs before publication.
8. Score aggregation. Two means are reported per board because including geography and the six science books — uniformly A5 = 1 in all three boards — compresses the differences. The humanities-core mean is the more informative comparator; the all-books mean is the rubric-faithful one. Neither should be quoted without the other. Book counts differ by board (26/26/22) because Sindh combines two of its volumes (Pakistan Studies 9–10, Urdu 9–10) and publishes Social Studies where the others publish separate History and Geography. The shared Islamiyat 6 and 7 volume is counted in both the KP and Sindh means at the same score (2), so neither board is advantaged or penalised by the duplication; per RUBRIC §5 no board difference is claimed for those grades.
9. Category boundaries are judgement. “Martial” vs “ideological” is a real distinction but not a clean one: Kashmir’s “banner of jihad” is both. Where a book mixes types, the table names the dominant one and the evidence column shows the mix.
10. Nothing here is verified against printed copies. Page markers are PDF indices and run 1–6 pages ahead of printed folios; KP files additionally carry leading mirror-site advertising pages.

Scored against the rubric axis A5, with A4 contributions noted per board. English-medium quotations are verbatim as extracted, including OCR artefacts. Urdu-medium findings are theme-grade and are never quoted.

Source-PDF verification (performed by the coordinating analyst, not the lens agent)

The two new Punjab findings flagged as OCR-derived and “to be re-checked against source PDFs before publication” were verified by rendering the pages at 130 dpi and reading the images directly. Both are confirmed.

Item 6 — Nishan-e-Haider roll in Punjab Urdu 6. CONFIRMED. pctb-punjab/class-6/urdu-6-ur.pdf PDF p.58 = printed p.57. The page is Lesson 9, “یومِ دفاعِ پاکستان” (Defence Day of Pakistan), illustrated with a portrait of M.M. Alam in flight gear. Its “کیا آپ جانتے ہیں؟” (Did you know?) box states that the Nishan-e-Haider is the Pakistan Army’s highest honour, awarded to those who sacrifice their lives for the homeland, and then names the recipients — Captain Sarwar, Major Tufail Muhammad, Major Aziz Bhatti, Rashid Minhas, Major Muhammad Akram, Major Shabbir Sharif, Sowar Muhammad Hussain, Lance Naik Muhammad Mahfooz, Captain Karnal Sher Khan and Lalak Jan — plus Naik Saif Ali Janjua (Hilal-e-Kashmir), whom the teacher’s note explicitly directs the class to treat as equivalent in rank to the Nishan-e-Haider. This is a class-6 book.

Item 7 — Nishan-e-Haider activity inside the Islamiyat 9 jihad lesson. CONFIRMED, and the juxtaposition is tighter than reported. pctb-punjab/class-9/islamiyat-9-ur.pdf PDF p.115 = printed p.111 carries the closing of the jihad chapter and its full exercise set. On this single page:

• The MCQ set tests the restraint doctrine directly — item (iii) asks what the 2018 anti-terrorism fatwa is called, with پیغامِ پاکستان (Paigham-e-Pakistan) among the options; item (iv) tests jihad bil-taleef against فسادِ الارض (fasad fil-ard); item (v) tests jihad bil-lisan, including the classical formulation of speaking truth before a tyrannical ruler.
• The short-answer set asks pupils to explain what they know about Paigham-e-Pakistan.
• The سرگرمیاں (Activities) block then directs pupils to prepare speeches on the Prophet’s battles for school assembly, and to write in their diaries the names and deeds of the martyrs awarded the Nishan-e-Haider.

So the state-monopoly, anti-terrorism, tongue-and-pen framing of jihad and a homework exercise memorialising military martyrs are not merely in the same chapter — they are in the same exercise set, on the same printed page. This strengthens item 12: the tension is not a chronological artefact of different authors in different years, it is present within a single page of a single book.

Method note: verification was by direct image reading of rendered pages, which sidesteps the Nastaliq OCR limitation entirely. Any other Urdu-derived claim in this report can be checked the same way and has not been.